INTRODUCTION
The topic "Exit Paradigm: Its Impact
on the Liberation of the Burmese People" was chosen because Burmese
researchers wanted to study the past, present and future condition of the
politics of Myanmar, and how the people suffer particularly under the present
military junta. The researcher also wants to study how the Israelites suffered
under the bondage of Egypt, how Yahweh liberated them and brought them
to Canaan. After studying all those things, the researcher sets the
“Exodus of Israelites” as a paradigm for the liberation struggle of the people
of Myanmar. The military regime is hereby compared with the Egyptians who
are the oppressors and the people of Myanmar with the Israelites who
are the oppressed.
STATEMENT OF THE
PROBLEM
Myanmar, indeed, is rich in natural resources such as mineral,
teak, etc. However, it becomes one of the poorest of the poor countries in the
world since the installation of the military government in 1962 losing her
cultural heritage and beautiful religiosity. People in Myanmar have
been suffering from extreme poverty, oppression and injustice and as a result
most of them have been struggling for their daily basic needs.
There have not been effective and proper systems of education and
health care. Nobody is permitted to speak against the regime and the people are
kept in abeyance and backwardness without appropriate information and
communication with the outside world. Bribery prevails in the circle of the
services of the military junta. In the judicial system, too, for example, money
is the criteria of livelihood rather than right or wrong. Freedom and human
rights are totally confined in the unjust military leaders.
People have no hope of their future under the military government
and their hopelessness will remain as long as the existing military rulers are
in power. Myanmar has been crying for democratic government as many
evidences of liberative movements had occurred. Nowadays, particularly since
the so-called ‘saffron revolution’ Myanmar appears the headline in
international news for its political crisis.
SCOPE
AND LIMITATIONS
The study on the liberation struggles of the people
of Myanmar is limited to a period of nineteen years between the
collapses of the Burmese Socialist Programme Party in 1988 and the present
State Peace and Development Council. Thus, the scope and limitations of the
study would be confined within the concept of their exodus. This would be dealt
with whatever materials available mainly on the recent study on the subject.
METHODOLOGY
The research is based on exegetical study of selected passages
mainly in the book of Exodus. Apart from this, other related passages would be
taken into considerations according to the need arises. The sources of the
research will be drawn mostly from books and internet apart of the personal
interview done with some of the promising leaders of the land.
THE PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH
1. To know the history
of Myanmar and its politics.
2. To know the suffering of the people
of Myanmar and their struggle for liberation.
3. To know foreign countries view
on Myanmar; moreover how the world has a concern for one’s political
crisis.
4. To bring out theological reflections on
the liberation struggle of the people of Myanmar from the light of
the Israelites exodus as it is a paradigm for all liberation struggles.
STRUCTURE
The research consists of four chapters.
· Chapter one deals with the historical view
of Myanmar politics including the present situation giving emphasis
on the present regime “State Peace and Development Council” (SPDC) and the
Democracy Movements. The chapter concludes with the role of the United Nations
and the view of other countries upon Myanmar politics.
· Chapter two deals with the exodus paradigm in
the book of Exodus. It talks about the oppression of Israelites under the
Egyptians, Yahweh’s deliverance and (the assurance of) re-entry
into Canaan.
· Chapter three is about implications and conclusion
mentioning some reasons of the failure of democracy movements and suggestions
for their further step.
· Chapter four is about over all conclusion.
CHAPTER I
AN OVER VIEW OF THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE
OF THE PEOPLE OF MYANMAR
1. GEOGRAPHYCAL
VIEW
Myanmar, officially known as the ‘Union of Myanmar’[1],
country is lying along the eastern coasts of the Bay of
Bengal and Andaman Sea in Southeast Asia, covering an
area of 676,577 square
kilometers. Thailand, Laos, China, Bangladesh and India border
the country.[2] The
capital is Ni Pyi Daw.[3] The total
population of Myanmar in 2004-2005 is an estimated 54.3 million (latest
estimate) and 70% of this population live in rural areas.[4] Among
them Buddhists are the majority estimated about 85 % of the whole population
even today.[5]
The whole Myanmar is administratively divided into seven
divisions,[6] populated
by the Burman majority and seven ethnic minority states[7] having
several languages where every village speaks each own dialect. There
are altogether 135 national ethnic groups.[8] But the
ethnic races in Myanmar today can be broadly classified into three
major radical groups namely the Tibeto-Burman, the Mon-Khmers/Austro-Asiatic
and the Thai-Shans.[9] Martin
Smith also states that Myanmar in all possibility has one of the most
complex ethnic mixes in the world speaking over a hundred tongues.[10]
2. HISTORICAL
VIEW
Though the history of Myanmar goes back to c. 500 BCE, the united
form of the country appeared under King Anawratha, who was the first Burman
king ascended to Pagan throne in 1044 CE. He was the one who successfully
promoted Theravada (the way of the elders) Buddhism among the ethnic Burmans
that has been remaining as major religion till date. [11] Though
the country had been existed for many years with its own king and culture, it
had, however, fallen short under the colonial power in 1885.
2.1. British Rule (1824-1885)
There were three Anglo-Burma wars broke out during the monarchical
period where the later became the loser. The first war broke out in 1824 and a
peace treaty between them known as “Yandabo Treaty” was signed on the 24th February
1826. The second and the third wars broke out in 1852 and 1885 respectively;
then the whole Burma became the colony of British
Empire and the monarchical system came to an end.[12]
3. INDEPENDENT
MOVEMENTS (1885-1947)
From the beginning of the British colonial system many liberation
movements and parties arise. Among them that became well-known and effective
was the Burma Independence Army (BIA) formed by the ‘Thirty Comrades’ led by
Aung San. The ‘Thirty Comrades’ secretly went to Japan to get
military training as well as assistance for Myanmar’s independence. In
1941, the BIA fought the British along side with the Japanese army and forced
the British out of the country.[13] “On August
1, 1943 Burma was duly declared an independent democratic state and
an equal member of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Area. "[14] Japan
was expelled from the country with the help of colonial powers in 1945 and
Japan came under imperialism.[15]
The AFPFL was again formed by Aung San with the demand of
independence. Meeting the demands, the country achieved its own independence
following an agreement signed at Panglong Conference
in Shan State on February 12, 1947:
" Conference
members believe that by cooperating with Myanmar's interim government, the
Shan, Kachin and Chin groups will achieve independence faster."[16]
Aung San then became Deputy Chairman of the Executive Council of
Burma but Aung San and six of his cabinet ministers were assassinated by U Saw
in July 19, 1947. The people of Myanmar consider Aung San as
their national hero and the “Father of the Nation.” On January 4,
1948 Myanmar achieved independence from Britain, and became a
democracy based on the parliamentary system. [17]
4. POST-INDEPENDENT BURMA (1948-1988)
People heavily suffered and the country lost many of her precious
natural resources during the 25 years of the British and the Japanese
administrations. In spite of their hope of good governance after independence,
the democratic government was toppled by Ne Win in 1962 that brought the
country under military dictatorship.
4.1. Parliamentary Era
(1948-62)
In the parliamentary democracy of the Union of Myanmar that
followed ‘Federal Union System,’ Sao Shwe Thaik and U Nu became for the first time
President and Prime Minister.[18] Despite
the fact of the new government policy on federalism that U Nu declared Budhism
as the national religion extruding other religions from the “politics of
nationalism.”[19] Moreover,
the Panglong Agreement was not put into reality ignoring the provisions of
independence after a decade to the states of Shan, Kachin and Chin.
Hence, various ethnic and political groups revolved against U Nu’s
government.[20]
4.2. Burmese Socialist Program
Party (BSPP) (1962-1988)
General Ne Win seized power on March 2, 1962 and
established the “Revolutionary Council” of 70 army officers. After four months
the Council created a single party system called the BSPP which was the only
legal party ever existed and no other parties were allowed to function.[21] In April
1964, Ne Win set up the "Burmese Way to Socialism" that held
private businesses and followed an economic policy of economic isolation.[22]
In 1974, the BSPP outlined the new constitution
absolutizing power at the center. Ne Win resigned as the President of the
country in 1981 but held the chairmanship of BSPP. In 1987, suddenly the
government shocked the whole nation by demonetizing the three biggest current
bank notes, rendering 70% of the currency in circulation useless without
offering refund. Under BSPP Burma became one of the ten poorest countries in
the world especially since 1987.[23] On July
23, 1988 Brig-General Sein Lwin, protégé of Ne Win, became the President of the
country declaring martial law in August 3, 1988. On the following day large
crowds gathered around the Sule Pagoda in Rangoon city with various
demands.[24]
5. DEMOCRACY
MOVEMENTS AND STATE PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT COUNCIL (SPDC)
Out of 26 years suffering under the military dictatorship the
democracy movement has come out in 1988. In order to achieve the democratic
form of government various movements have been organized through election,
negotiation, processions, etc. without violence. There have been two
nation-wide demonstrations in Myanmar and that will be given more
emphasis.
5.1. The Eight, Eight,
Eighty-Eight Crises
On August 8, 1988, the people of Myanmar like
students and workers demonstrated against military rule in a country-wide
popular uprising unique in Myanmar’s history.[25] Ever
since, this special day is popularly known as "8-8-88" in Myanmar's
political history. On August 12, 1988, Sein Lwin was replaced by Dr. Maung
Maung. On August 22, thousands of demonstrators comprised of Buddhist monks,
government workers, socialists including veteran military men marched on the
streets of Yangon demanding a national referendum for multi-party
democracy.[26] A sharp
reaction came from the government that resulted to the killing and imprisonment
of thousands of the protestors.[27] The
government then lifted the martial law in August 24, 1988, but did not
meet the demand to hold general election.[28]
In order to let the people know the disadvantage of following
multi-party system that only brings chaos and confusion the military regime
released 13,805 prisoners from various jails across the country with the
expectation that crime rate would rise and lawlessness prevail in the country
so that people would seek military protections. Moreover, the regime purposely
created vices and activated all sorts of violence all over the country and at
the same time promised to hold elections in 1990.[29] Thousands
of people died[30] but
the outcome did not really solved the problem but rather led people to go the
other way. As a result, many students fled to the border jungles of the
neighboring counties
including India, Thailand, Singapore, USA, etc. to take
refuge and formed the ABSDF in November 5, 1988 with the help of the
leaders who have fought since 1948.[31]
5.2. State
Law and Order Restoration Council
On September 18, 1988, the military formed a new dictatorship
under martial law called SLORC and cancelled the 1974 constitution. In
September 1988, General Saw Maung, the army of Chief of Staff and Minister of
Defense, took over as the chairman of SLORC.[32] All
schools, colleges, and Universities remained closed for several years.
After months long upheavals, the country began to face economical
crises with the cut-off in aid from the Western countries particularly from the
government of USA, Great Britain, West
Germany and Japan, the country’s biggest creditors. The search for
urgent cash compelled them to sell out the country’s precious natural
resources. This resulted in greater lost of the nation’s wealth. During
1989-90, the SLORC displaced large number of working class city dwellers to the
countryside, in isolated and ill-prepared satellite new towns. Roughly, about
one million people were internally displaced, resulted many elderly people and
children died. Refugees continued to pour in to neighboring countries.[33]
During the ending part of April 1992, the SLORC started to
introduce a series of reforms in the name of “National Tasks” – National Unity,
National Security, and National Defense. On April 23, 1992[34] General
Than Swe became the SLORC chairman. The junta introduced open market, and
seemed to do many good things for the country. But market-oriented economy had
very little impact on the people at large. Their good deeds were just to get
favor from the people, and the benefits were mainly for them. In 1994, the
ASEAN accepted Myanmar as an observer and three years later admitted
as a full member in July 1997. [35]
5.3. The 1990 General Election
In the unrest political situation, the military junta invited
political parties to register with the election commission, and within a few
days new 234 parties registered themselves. The NLD led by Aung San Suu Gyi[36],
LDP led by U Nu and UNDP led by Aung Gyi emerged as the leading opposition
parties.[37]
On May 27, 1990, the general election was held.[38] The NLD
won 392 of 485 seats contested whereas the newly formed NUP (formed on Sept.24,
1989) won only ten seats in the entire country.[39] The UNDP
had won only one seat out of 270 seats and the LDP did not win a single seat
out of 325 contested.[40]
As the surprising victory of the NLD, citizens came out on the
streets and demanded the immediate release of Aung San Suu Kyi along with all
other political prisoners and the transfer of power to the NLD. But the junta
did not fulfill the demands of the people, instead they tried to restrict Aung
San Suu Kyi more, saying that they could release her only on the condition that
she must agree to give up politics and immediately leave the country for good.[41] The
junta accused the NLD of “plotting to destabilize the country’.[42]
5.4. National Convention
The first meeting of the National Convention was held in January
1993 to draw up the ‘guide lines’ for new constitution, consisting of 702
delegates from various social groups such as the MPs elect, NLD, different
ethnic groups, peasants, workers, civil servants, intellectuals and other
special invitees. The military government announced that the Convention would
have six guiding principles and that the leading role of military leaders would
be mandatory in the national political life.[43] Strong
confrontations between the government and NLD led to the suspension of the
Convention[44].
In November 1995, the NLD withdrew from the National Convention due to the
junta’s control on free of expressions.[45] Since
then NLD party remains marginalized and its leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house
arrest.[46]
In 2007, the ‘National Convention’ was ended and the ‘New
Constitution’ have drafted. But the ‘New Constitution’ that have drafted by the
military junta has been disagreed by the people. So in many places the regime
organized meetings and the people are asked to attend in it and accept the ‘New
Constitution’ by force or unfair means. On September 29, citizens in Myitkyina
and other townships in northern Myanmar were forced into joining
pro-government rallies. Every family should have two people. On October
12, thousands have attended a "pro-government" rally
in Rangoon. It was said that people have been bussed rallies by the junta
and forced with corrupt of money and threatened with losing their jobs and
homes.[47] On
October 31, the regime held a meeting at the stadium that is in Pakhukku
District. The junta said that one is compulsory from each family. The
attendance should be given 1500 kyats (50 Rs), but those who do not attend it
should be fined 3000 kyats (100 Rs).[48] Myanmar will
be going on according to the ‘New Constitution’. Therefore, if the ‘New
Constitution’ drafted by the junta is confirmed, it is very clear that the
people of Myanmar will continue to suffer for some years or many
years.
5.5. Burmese
Anti-Government Protest in 2007
The protest march in 2007 is the greatest demonstration so far
as Myanmar politics is concerned. It emerged out of economic crisis.
The protest is called “Saffron Revolution” because the monks, who wear the saffron-colored
robes, are at the forefront at the demonstrations.[49] Monks
all over Asia and in the world have extended support to their
brethren in Myanmar.[50] The
protest started from Pakhukku city and it mainly occurred on September.
5.5.1. The
Spark of the Current Pro-democracy Movement
The 2007 Burmese anti-government protests started on August 15, 2007 due to the removal of subsidies on
fuel that caused a rapid and unannounced increase on prices of various
commodities.[51] Beginning
on August 18, in response to the increase in fuel prices, led by Buddhist
monks,[52] clergy
and ordinary people came out to the streets, protesting against the government,
calling for a reduction in commodity prices, national reconciliation and
release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners.[53]
5.5.2. Escalation of the Protest and the Reaction
of the Junta
In reaction to the protests, the government began arresting and
beating demonstrators. On 22nd September, detained pro-democracy leader Aung
San Suu Kyi came out of her home, where she is under house arrest, to pay
respect to protesting monks who marched in front of her home
on Rangoon’s University Avenue. May be because of that, the next day,
she had been moved to the Insein prison.[54] On 24th September,
the protest march became a nationwide. Many tens of Thousands of people led by
Monks and celebrity artists[55] peacefully
demonstrating against military regime in central Yangon, near Sule Pagoda.[56]
September 26, the junta imposed dusk-till-dawn
curfews on the country's two largest cities of Yangon and Mandalay. In addition, gatherings of more than
five people are prohibited. Protesters who applauded the
demonstrations could face two to five years in jail, while the leaders could
face 20 years.[57] On the
following day the junta security forces began raiding monasteries across the
country to control the protests.[58] Nine
civilians, including Japanese photographer Kenji Nagai,[59] had been
shot and killed by the armed forces.[60] It was also said that the Junta employed the prisoners to attack
the demonstrators who marching in Kyauhtada City.[61] On
September 28, the Myanmar government attempted to diminish public
awareness and communications around the protests by cutting Internet and
telephone lines. Troops specifically targeted those caught carrying cameras and
beat them.[62]
The protest march was started in the month of August, but
the climax was in September and diminished and came to an end in October.
Therefore it is called “2007- September Protest.” It was ended because the
junta responded the demonstrators by violence, though they were just
demonstrating with non-violence. If they go on, they would be suffered a lot.
Moreover, all the Buddhist monasteries were padlocked by the junta so that no
monks could march. When the monks stopped marching, the people also stopped.
Even though the protest march ended up, it is going on in
the hearts of the people. One of the organizations of the pro-democracy
movement states, “We cannot wait for the artificial words of the junta; so with
the corporation of the government officers we will do demonstration again in
the first waxing of the moon, 2008. We will try to get liberation
on August 8, 2008.”[63] Meanwhile,
some active junior organizations are distributing pamphlets or tracts to the
people in gathering places to stir up their hearts. A group of “Freedom
Fighter” is also tying up the trees that are besides the roads with a piece of
rope worn by monks in remembrance and honor of the monks who sacrificed their
lives.[64]
Due to the protest hundreds of ethnic minority tribes’
people are fleeing into the border state of Mizoram, India to escape the military regime. They
claim that they are being forced to join pro-government rallies, in some cases
at gunpoint, and if they refuse to do they would be fined up to 10,000 kyats
[$7]; while others have been arrested including Christian pastors. Many of the
wanderers are from the Christian minority ethnic Chin people who say they have been
persecuted by the junta for being Christians and non-ethnic Burmese. They were
initially welcomed in Mizoram after the 1988 military crackdown as the Mizos who are ethnic cousins of Chins.[65]
According to the Mizzima Monthly Journal report
during the protest march about 200 demonstrators died and about 6000 people
were arrested, on the other hand the military regime reported that 10
demonstrators died and almost 3000 people were arrested.[66] On
October 17, the Democratic Voice of Burma reported that the
NLD party chairman U Kyaw Khine, and secretary Ko Min Aung, have both been sentenced to seven
and a half years imprisonment. U Htun Kyi and U Than Pe were sentenced to four and half
years. A total of around 280 party members were arrested.[67]
5.6. State Peace and
Development Council
On November 15, 1997, the military regime once again
chanced its name from the SLORC to SPDC.[68] Senior
General Than Shwe continue to hold as its chairman[69] and
Thien Sein became the Prime Minister since October 24, 2007. [70] The
possibility of NLD preparing to go on political offensive looms large,
universities remain close and trading with foreign neighbors at the borderlands
have been suspended. [71]
The SPDC claims that they are trying to establish a multi-party
democracy government but refuse to have relationship with the great democracy
countries. They are maintaining connection with the countries that practice a
one party system, socialism and communist system
like China and Russia. [72]
The SPDC is planning to establish hydro-electric power, which can
produce 13360 mega-watts with the corporation of CPI
at Irrawaddy River.[73] The work
has been started by MAW Company. The masses are in opposition to it. The reason
is that because of making dam the water will overflow and the surrounding
villages, about 50, would be foamed. It will affect not only near by the
hydro-electric power but also different parts of the country
because Irrawaddy serves as the source of life for many people
in Myanmar. The worse thing is that the regime did not give any
information about it to the people who are near by the river. Moreover, the
hydro-electric power will produce income about $ 500 million every year, but
the people will not enjoy it. The benefit will be only for the military regime.
The electric power is mainly for selling to China.[74]
Since the regime extend its armed forces there is inadequate of
armies. Because of press from the regime some of the armies have been running
away. It is reported that within the last six months more than 9000 armies ran
away.[75]Due to in need
of armies the regime is searching for people for armies by force. In the
beginning of November, the SPDC’s armies entered into some villages in the north
part of Shan Division and asked for armies. They asked that in a family if
there are three sons two or if there are two, one must be armies or army, then
they will form a ‘new military force’; if any family refuses it 500’000 kyats
(16666.7 Rupees) should be fined for not supplying army to the
regime.[76]
6. THE ROLE
OF THE UNITED NATIONS
IN MYANMAR POLITICS
The political crisis in Myanmar is not merely an
internal matter. The right of the people of Myanmar is deprived.
Today, as the world is uplifting human right, the deprivation of the people
of Myanmar has been one of the annoyances for the world. Therefore,
the United Nations has been taking its role for the liberation of the people
of Myanmar sending envoys time to time according to the
need of the situations.
In 1991, Judge Rajsoomer Lallah, the UN special Rapporteur on
Human Rights, came in Myanmar. In 1995, Alvero De Soto, representative of
the UN Secretary General was sent as the UN appointed a special envoy
to Myanmar. After Alvro De Soto, Razali Ismail from Malaysia was
appointed UN Secretary General’s special envoy to Myanmar.[77]
In 2007, Ibrahim Gambari, the United Nations' special envoy to Myanmar,
was sent to Myanmar. On September 27, he was allowed to enter into the
country and arrived in Yangon on September 29. Immediately he went
to Naypyidaw to talk with the junta generals.[78] There he
could meet General Than Swe and other junta generals. After coming back from
Nypyidaw, he also could meet Aung San Suu Kyi twice.[79] An early
report indicates that the junta has denied Gambari a meeting with Aung San Suu
Kyi. On October 3, Gambari left the country with the hope to meet military
officials in Burma in mid November.[80]
The UN special rapporteur for human rights in
Burma Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro also came
in Myanmar before mid November. For him this is the first visit in
four years; previously (2003) he was not allowed. The junta
has given a date for him to begin a 5-day visit on 11 to 15 November. On
November 13, he visited detainees at Insein Prison in Rangoon.[81]
7. FOREIGN
COUNTRIES VIEW ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION OF MYANMAR
The view of foreign countries on Myanmar politics is
different. Some countries stop their relationship with Myanmar, but some
are still maintaining. Yet it is clear that most of the countries condemn how
the junta treats its own people. In order to show their support, they even
marched from their own countries for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all
political prisoners, and for getting democracy in Myanmar. The western
countries shut their economic doors to Myanmar. But the ASEAN do not want
to shut their economic doors thinking that if they just stop their
relationship, China’s influence in Myanmar will be very high.[82]
India Army Chief Deepak Kapoor said that India will try
to maintain her relationship with Myanmar because the crisis is an
internal matter.[83] Meanwhile,
an Indian opposition-led protest in New Delhi urged the government to
"raise its voice” in support of the pro-democracy movement. There are around 2,000 refugees from the country
in New Delhi. [84] On October
2, 2007, Mizoram also urged the government of India to stop her
relationship with the junta supporting the pro-democracy movement. In spite of
condemnation from some of her own states, India is still maintaining
her relationship with the Junta.
"The Burmese problem should be properly resolved by the
people and government of the country through dialogue and negotiation,"
said Chinese Premier Tang Jiaxuan[85] But
later, the crackdown prompted even from China.
One of the members of the Association of South East Asian Nations
on its own has met the crackdown with criticism and rare condemnation.[86] Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda said that they will continue
to find out the real happening in regard to the death of Kenji Nagai; but they
will not stop immediately their economic relation
with Myanmar. Singapore also will not shut her economic door
to Myanmar. [87] On September
28, however, the President of the Philippines Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo urged Myanmar to
take steps toward democracy. And the president warned Myanmar that
the Philippines would stop its financial help to Myanmar if
opposition leader opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi will not be released.[88]
CONCLUSION
Cruel punishment and ruthless suppression were the only methods
the kings knew to rule the country for centuries in Myanmar. Myanmarese
concept of unlimited and unchallenged power was molded during a thousand year
under autocratic regimes from the Pagan dynasty in the first half of the 10th C
CE. Therefore, the junta, which governs Myanmar today is what the
people have made it and that there is a correlation between the power of the
government and the acceptance of that power by the people. [89]
The people of Myanmar had suffered due to the invasion
and rule of British and Japanese during the colonial period. After having
independence in 1948, the people continue to suffer
under the oppressive regime generations after generation
especially since Ne Win took power in 1962 and formed the BSPP. Under Ne Win’s
power itself Myanmar became one of the ten poorest countries in the
world in 1987. In 1988, the SLORC was formed and it was renamed as SPDC in
1997. But it is only the name’s sake; there is no restoration, no peace and no
development in the country.
Out of long time oppression and suffering the people started
demonstration asking for democratic government. Nationwide
demonstration has been happened two times in August 1988 and in September 2007.
However, the regime remains unchanged. The two demonstrations do not have any
good impact for the people; but it does not mean that it is meaningless at all.
During the two demonstrations, according to the official report, about 3200
people were killed and about 6000 people were arrested. Many fled to foreign
countries. Therefore, the result of the two demonstrations is pain and
suffering for the people. Now, the regime has drafted a “New Constitution” and
asked the people to accept it by force. If the country goes on according to the
“New Constitution” drafted by the junta, democratic government is more far
away.
Therefore, the future of the people of Myanmar is still
not bright. They are just assuming how long they will continue to suffer under
the military regime. No country should think that this is its own problem
rather they should try to solve it. Even if they do not want to solve they
should not be the hindrance because problem of one’s country is related with
the whole countries. At the same time, the most important thing is the people
of Myanmar need to struggle for their liberation without depending
too much on external help. Real and last long liberation is possible when the
people liberate themselves.
CHAPTER 2
EXODUS PARADIGM IN THE BOOK OF EXODUS
The Book of Exodus has been chosen for the study mainly because it
is a book much used in contemporary Liberation theology. The Exodus is defined
theologically as a judgment upon Egypt and an act of redemption or
deliverance to Israel (Exod.6: 6). The important statement in
Exod.29: 46 describes the theological goal of the exodus as renewed community
with God dwelling among them in the land. The purpose of the whole event is the
knowledge of Yahweh’s nature, greatness, and power (Exod.6: 6f).[90]
The Exodus occupies the centre within the Old Testament and it
runs throughout the Bible as a paradigm of liberation for all ages of people
who are under oppression.[91] The key
word from which one must understand the Old Testament is ‘Exodus’ because its
meaning opens up hope towards the future and “Canaan is the key word for this
future.”[92]
Gutierrez said: "Israel's freedom is a political act. It is
the end of poverty and suffering, the establishment of justice and the
beginning of good living. It is suppression of disorder and the creation of a
new order.[93] Pau Za
Khup states, “Exodus is an ongoing event of God’s involvement among God’s
creations, which serves as a paradigm of liberation for contemporary people
everywhere under oppression, giving motion to their struggles to become a
people from being no-people.” [94]
1. OPPRESSION
OF ISRAELITES
Due to famine stricken Jacob and his family (Israelites) shifted
their place from Canaan to Egypt (Gen. 46:5, 6), as Joseph
(son of Jacob) was the governor over
the land of Egypt (Gen. 41:45; 42:6). They settled
in Goshen (Gen.46: 28). At that time the total number of Israel
family was 74 including the two sons of Joseph (Exod.1: 5). But the Israelites
were fruitful and prolific; they multiplied and grew exceedingly strong, so
that the land was filled with them (Exod.1: 7). Later on, therefore, the
Egyptians oppressed them because they feared that one day the Israelites would
rule over them. How the Egyptians oppressed them and how Israelites suffered
will be dealt with in comparison to the situation of the people
of Myanmar.
1.1. Exegesis on Exod.1: 8-14
Forced labour was commonly used in the ancient world. The
Egyptians used labour gangs, including their own people, as task forces on
their building projects. The labour gangs seem to have been “task forces,”
rather than permanent slave-labour gangs, for they seem to have been disbanded
when the projects were completed.[95]
There is a change of regime, a new king,[96] and
a new dynasty caused to take place some sort of coup. Israelites had not been
slaves before, but herdsmen who owned their own animals and ran their own
affairs. Now they are slaves, and so virtually the property of their masters
whereas previously they posed no threat and had ever been invited to settle
in Egypt, Goshen area. There they had borne children “so that
the land was filled with them” (Exod. 1:7). As a result Pharaoh[97] accused
the Israelites that they might join with enemy invaders rule over them. The
king then used the thoughts and fears of the people to justify his own hatred
(vv 9-10). This is brought out by the very language of verses 11-14:
“taskmasters,” “to oppress them with forced labor,” “oppressed,” “ruthless,”
and “made their lives bitter with hard service.” [98]
1.2. Exegesis on Exod.1: 15-22
There is a second more evil result of the “Hebrew threat”
perceived by the Egyptians genocide. At first this takes the form of orders
given to the Hebrew midwives to kill all their male babies at birth, the female
presumably being spared for used as concubines by the Egyptians in the future.
It is said of them that the midwives, Shiprah and Puah, “feared God.” Naturally,
the women refuse to fulfill with the order and, when questioning about the
continuing growth in the Hebrew male birthrate, give the age-old excuse that
Hebrew women were quicker and tougher than the Egyptian ladies: they produced
their children and hid them before the midwives could reach them. Therefore,
the Pharaoh received the "final solution". All the children must have
drowned in the Nile, probably to the river god. It is perhaps significant that
the males in the story of the Exodus are linked with oppression, slavery, and
death, whereas the females are linked with compassion and the preservation of
life.[99]
1.3. Explanation
The cause of the change from a position of privilege and
prosperity to oppression is attributed to a new king ‘who do not know Joseph’
(Exod. 1:8). Under the new Pharaoh Israelites were oppressed and their fortunes
had vanished. So also in Myanmar, due to change of regime, the ‘Parliamentary
Democracy’ to the ‘Burmese Socialist Programme Party,’ the political situation
becomes worse. The people have been used for the privilege of the regime that
can be compared with the Israelites that built supply cities, Pithom and
Rameses for Pharaoh. Whenever political crisis occurs the junta is used to
employ the prisoners to create troubles among the people that can be compared
with Pharaoh employing the two Hebrew midwives to kill the Hebrew male babies.
Pharaoh tried to kill all the Hebrew males but spared all the Hebrew females;
so also the junta tries to kill or does not give opportunity to those who can
oppose or overpower them, but spares whom they can control.
1.4. Exegesis on Exod. 5:1-2
Moses and Aaron address Pharaoh in the form of the prophetic
formula: “Thus says the LORD” (Exod. 5:1). This form of expression, which is so
common in the prophetic books, is surprisingly rare in the Pentateuch.[100] The
request is for permission to undertake the people of Israel to go and
celebrate a festival to Yahweh in the wilderness, at the command of Yahweh.
However, Pharaoh rejected the request. He did not know the God of Israelites.
As the Israelites were helpless and hopeless lot of slaves, he might have been
thought that the Israelites God would be so powerless. [101]
1.5. Exegesis on Exod.5: 6-9
Pharaoh declared a new order that increased the heavy work
of Israel: they were strictly commanded to make the usual daily quota of
bricks, while gathering for themselves the chopped straw necessary to their
task. This essential thing had previously been provided to them. Therefore, the
Israelites “scattered” over “the whole of the land of Egypt” in
their search.[102]
1.6. Explanation
The request made by Moses and Aaron to Pharaoh is to allow the
people of Israel to go in the wilderness and celebrate a festival to
Yahweh. However, Pharaoh charged them that their request was made out of their
laziness. Therefore he did not grant them but rather gave them work that was
tougher than before and oppressed them with harder than before.
The petition that the people of Myanmar submitted to the
junta is to release Aung San Suu Kyi (leader of the NLD party) and other
political prisoners, and to reduce the increasing prices. The junta does not
grant their request rather they respond with violence. Hundreds of people were
killed and thousands of people were arrested.
2. DELIVERANCE
FROM EGYPT
God had made a covenant with Abraham that he would give him a new
land and makes him a great nation (Gen. 12:1-3; 15:1-6). Abraham’s descendants,
the Israelites are God’s chosen people. Now they are oppressed and are
suffering under the bondage of the Egyptians. Pharaoh is trying to eliminate
the Israelites in contrast to God’s covenant to Abraham- to become his
descendants as many as stars (Gen. 15:5). Yahweh is faithful in his covenant
and has come, now, to deliver his people from the bondage of the Egyptians.
2.1. The Call of Moses
God often calls a special person to save or liberate his people to
be his instrument. God does his wonderful work by choosing and using a special
person. Now, God has called Moses who is a special person having the wisdom and
knowledge of Egypt and a nationalist to be his instrument for the
deliverance of his people Israelites.
2.1.1. Exegesis on Exod.3:1-2
In Hebrew religion God reveals himself in particular places and
times through persons. In the midst of his routine shepherding, the bush lights
up at an unexpected time and place, and Moses is unexpectedly directed both to
the God who he scarcely knows and to the half-forgotten need of his people back
in Egypt.[103]
As usual Moses is shepherding the flock of his father-in-law,
Jethro. In the Ancient Near East shepherding flock was a responsible
profession, not a job given to small boys.[104] On his
initiative, and undoubtedly in search of fresh pasture, he arrived
at Mount Horeb,[105] which
was beyond the customary Midianite grazing area.[106]
"Angel of the Lord" is a term often used to describe God
himself, especially when God acts and communicates with him in a special way.
“A bush catches alight and is not scorched”- in the Bible such kinds of events
are usually called signs, not miracles. In any case, unusual fire
or light frequently states the presence of God, as Elijah’s chariot (2 Kgs.2:
11) and Jesus’ transfiguration (Matt. 17:2, 5).[107]
2.1.2. Exegesis on Exod. 3:5-6
To remove sandals is a sign of respect shown on entering someone
else’s home or territory. The Lord has marked out his presence and territory
through the burning bush. [108] When
God is present, what has been ordinary becomes “holy ground” and consequently
“set apart” for a distinct use. The place where sheep and goats have traveled
just a short time ago is transformed into “holy ground” by God’s presence.[109] Therefore,
Moses must respect the divine presence by taking off his sandals.
Yahweh identifies himself by his past relationship with the
patriarchs and, unusually by his relationship with Moses’ own ancestry, “your
father.” This is primary official recognition, the witness of the past acts.[110] Of
course, the plural form, “God of your fathers” appears more frequently, but the
collective singular also had a special point in that it was through the one man
of promise that the many were to receive the blessing of God.
Thus God assured Moses that the God of his father had not forsaken his repeated
word of promise or his people, and he would certainly be with Moses in the
commission he was about to receive.[111]
2.1.3. Exegesis on Exod.3: 10
The call of Moses is to be Yahweh’s agent of deliverance. He is to
go to Egypt, confront the Pharaoh, and bring forth Yahweh’s people.[112]
2.1.4. Explanation
Yahweh called and used Moses as his instrument to deliver his
people. Yahweh prepared him since his birth. He delivered him from the water
and put him at Pharaoh’s palace. He grew up in the palace learning the wisdom
and knowledge of Egyptian. He could live with a joyous live in the palace, but
he chose to suffer with his people even before he got a specific call from
Yahweh.
In Myanmar God uses the NLD party led by Aung San Suu Kyi as his
instrument to deliver the people from their sufferings. Aung San Suu Kyi being
a noble price winner and a brilliant woman she can live with a joyous live, but
she chooses to suffer with her people. She has been imprisoning 12 years since
1988 the NLD was formed.
2.1.5. Exegesis on Exod. 3:13-15
When we come to the text (3:13-15), we see Moses asking God for
the divine name he should relate to the Israelites, God answers him with the
statement "I am me." The word "I exist" brings safety to Moses,
the safety of God himself. It corresponds to the security the God of creation
offered to the exiles in Isa.40-55 and to the “I am” sayings of Jesus in the
Gospel of John (6:35-51;
8:12; 9:5; 10:7,9; 10:11,14; 11:25; 14:6; 15:1,5). It also corresponds to immanuel (God-with-us;
Isa.7:14) to come with the “God-with-us” (Matt.1:23; Rev.1:4) who has come.[113]
The statement speaks power, faithfulness, and presence. The God
appeared to Moses is named as the power to create, the one who causes to be.
This God is the one who will be present in faithful ways to make possible what
is not possible. This God is the very power of newness that will make available
new life for Israel outside the deathliness of Egypt.[114]
The final phrase of v.15 indicated by its shift in person is
against addressed to Moses: “This is my name for ever and thus I am to be
remembered throughout all generations.” God spoke to Moses in his eternal name.
This is the name, which will then be critically remembered by his people
throughout the generations. The revelation of the name in Israel is
not to satisfy interest, but to be the means of continuous worship.[115]
2.1.6. Explanation
Yahweh says himself, “I am who I am.” He is with Israelites in the
midst of their suffering. "I" God led the Israelites into the land of
Canaan. Not only that Yahweh continues to be with them and is their God
forever. Correspondingly the God “I am” is also the God of the people
of Myanmar. He is in the midst of their sufferings. Yahweh will lead the
people of Myanmar till they are liberated; they will experience
Yahweh’s wonderful work and he will be their God forever.
2.2. Coming of Yahweh
The Israelites cried out as the Egyptians oppress them. When God
has heard his peoples’ cry and seen their suffering, he himself came down to
their midst to deliver them and bring them to the land that he has given to
them.
2.2.1. Exegesis on Exod.3:7-9
In these verses, three of the verbs of 2:24-25 (“I have
seen,” “I have heard,” and “I have known”) are reiterated, but the fourth verb
of v. 24, (“God remembered”) is absent here though is implied in the formula of
v.6. The first verb, “I have seen,” acknowledges affliction, and instead of
“sons of Israel” claims the slaves as “my people.” The second verb, “I
have heard,” is roughly the same, and the third verb, “I have known,” ends
cryptically in 2:25, but here has the object, “suffering.” That is, with
all three verbs God acknowledges and engages the troubles of Israel:
afflictions, cries, and sufferings.[116]
The fourth verb in v.8 is not paralleled in 2:24-25 and
decisively advances the action: “I have come down.” God not only knows, but God
is now physically activated to be present in the midst of the trouble. The verb
makes clear decisively what is crucial for Israel’s understanding of God,
which for Christians concludes in the incarnation-God, has “come down” into
human history in bodily form. The verb “come down” is followed by
two other verbs of enormous power: “deliver” and “bring up.” The first of those
is the same verb used of Moses in 2:19 when he “snatches” the
daughters from the destructive power of the shepherds. So God now
snatches Israel from the destructive power of Egypt. The second
verb, “bring up” is regularly used for the exodus.[117]
V.9 reiterates God’s awareness from vv.7-8, employing the verb
“hear” and repeating the verb “see” and introducing yet another word for
“oppression.” God knows Israel’s present circumstance and is prepared to
counter it decisively. Thus 2:24-25 and 3:7-9 portray God as the only and
crucial character in creating for Israel an alternative to the
solution of oppression in Egypt.[118] Yahweh
will respond his people and that response will take the form of land for the
landless, a livable life for those whose lives are presently intolerable. With
life in the land will come to the duty to worship Yahweh. The exodus will not
simply describe an act of liberation, but set forth a theology of liberation.[119]
2.2.2. Explanation
Yahweh has observed the misery of his people who are
in Egypt. Heard her cries to the Guardian. He knows their suffering and he
has come down to deliver them from the Egyptians, and to bring them
to Canaan that is a good and broad land, a land flowing with
milk and honey. In the same manner, Yahweh observes the misery of his
people in Myanmar. He hears their cry on account of the military regime.
He knows their sufferings and he comes down to deliver them from their
oppression, and to bring them to a democratic country where there is no
oppression and people have their right.
2.3. The Presence of Yahweh
Yahweh is in the midst of the Israelites and his presence could be
seen as in the form of a pillar of cloud and a pillar of fire. His
present is to protect them from the enemies and guide them in the right way.
Yahweh’s presence and the Israelites cannot be separated.
2.3.1. Exegesis on Exod. 13:21-22
Israelites were guided by Yahweh’s own Presence, symbolized by the
theophanic fire, seen as a column of cloud in daylight and as a column of fire
at night.[120] The air
drives the sun away; fire from the dark.[121] What
Moses had experienced at the thronbush aflame but unconsumed
(3:2-3) Israel now experienced in exodus.[122]
Pillar of Cloud and Pillar of Fire are other names for the
"Angel of God" because Exodus 14:19 doubles as Exodus 23:20-23. In
fact, God's name is "in" the angel who went before them and led them
to Canaan (23:20-23). He is "an angel before him" (Isaiah 63:8-9).
Malachi 3:1 calls this angel "Apostle of the Valley", equivalent to
the Lord of the Temple. Obviously, then, the Christ of the New Tastament is the
shekinah glory or Yahweh of the Old Testament. Through this pillar of cloud,
the Lord spoke to Moses (33:9-11) and the people (Psalm 99:6-7).. Such a simple
movement of the cloud and pillar of fire to the angel and the Lord himself has
already been experienced in the same exchange of burning wood, angel and Lord
in the third chapter.[123]
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