By Viju Wilson
Many factors determine the socio-economic-political status of a
community in India. Caste plays a major role in the development of communities,
especially communities of so-called low-caste origin. While caste identity
gives/opens new opportunities for progress to some communities, it works
against the prospects and opportunities of others in the process of
development. Some communities use their numerical strength to negotiate the
political system to carve out their space in society, while others use the
leverage of religion to achieve their goal. However, in this nexus of caste,
faith and politics, there are many communities that have not been able to climb
the socio-economic-political ladder of society so far. Christians of Scheduled
Caste Origin (also known as Dalit Christians) are one such community, neglected
and excluded in various spheres of social life because of their caste and faith
identity. This review is an attempt to highlight and reflect on some of the
major findings of a study conducted to give a contemporary picture of the
socio-economic-political status of Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin (CSCO)
which was conducted for the benefit of Church, Society and Government.
Scheduled Caste Christians in India: A Study of Their
Socio-Economic, Cultural and Political Status is a study jointly undertaken by
the Center for Dalit/Subaltern Studies, New Delhi, the SC/ST/BC Commission of
the Catholic Bishops' Conference of India, New Delhi and the Delhi School of
Social Work Society, Delhi). The study sheds light on the plight of Christians
of Scheduled Caste Origin (CSCO) in Indian society. The ponder was conducted
beneath the direction of Prof. Dr. Ratna Verma, Prof. Rekha Dutt and Asso.
Prof. Alka Kumar. They then interpreted it and edited it in the form of a
document by Prof. Dr. (habil) James Massey and Prof. Dr. T.K John SJ. As such,
the study focuses on three main areas of life of Scheduled Caste Christians,
viz. social, economic, political and educational, but also pays due attention
to the position of women in the community. The study deserves recognition for
its analytical character, documentation, selection of areas, methodology and
interpretation. As the study places CSCO outside the box of denominations, it
attempts to create a space for the entire community to think as one, beyond
denominational creed, and collectively seek solutions to their existing
problems.
This systematic research work is indeed an eye-opener for those at
the helm in Church and Society; if on the one hand it gives a great impetus to
the Church leaders to start their work to heal the wounded lives of CSCO in
India and give up their discriminatory functions and programs, on the other
hand it intends to influence the crooked policies of the Government of India
which work against this suffering part of the country. It also seeks to instill
a critical consciousness in the minds of CSCOs by helping them understand their
current situation and encouraging them to fight against discrimination of any
kind inside and outside the church. In order to authentically document the
current living realities of CSCO, the study divided the research area into four
zones: South, East, North and West; and two states were selected from each
zone. Accordingly, Uttar Pradesh and Punjab from the northern zone, Andhra
Pradesh and Tamil Nadu from the southern zone, Odisha and Bihar from the
eastern zone and Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh from the western zone were
selected for data collection. In addition, one district from each state was
selected for the sample survey: i.e., Agra/Mathura (U.P.), Gurdaspur (Punjab),
Guntur (Andhra Pradesh), Chenglepet (Tamil Nadu), Jalna/Ahmed Nagar
(Maharashtra), Jabalpur (Madhya Pradesh ), Behrampur (Orissa) and Patna (Bihar)
were the districts where the survey was conducted. The survey included 1009
families in approximately 80 villages/towns. The state, district and
village/city were selected based on the significant population of CSCO. The non-denominational
nature of this study is evident from the fact that the participation of
Protestant respondents was 60.9% and Catholics 39.1%.
Although this study is based on primary and secondary sources of
information, its main findings and propositions are drawn from data primarily
collected from respondents through interviews (structured and unstructured),
focus group discussions, etc. This research deserves to be a credible
documentation of first-hand information that recounts “the painful pulses of a
discriminated life. However, the study is not immune to the normal limitations
of research work.
The underlying rationale for this study is the historical
discrimination of CSCOs in church and society. Although CSCOs form the majority
in the Church of India, it is their so-called caste identity that works against
their progress in the Church due to the caste-mindedness of the Church
authorities. Moreover, their religious affiliation excludes them from all
constitutional rights and privileges as well as social programs and policies of
the government of our country which are there for the welfare of other members
of Scheduled Caste Origin. Highly discriminated against, less heard in the
corridors of power and less conscientious about the reasons for their current
state and predicament, the community today finds itself in the middle of
nowhere. A study of their current state can at least provide the government and
the church with a basic resource to create policies and programs that are
accommodating and sensitive to CSCO, as they did for the Muslim community after
the Justice Sacchar Committee report. Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin
(CSCO): Same as yesterday and today.
According to the 2001 census, Christians (2.34% of the total
pollution) are one of the religious minorities in India. CSCOs make up 70%
(16.8 million) of the total Christian population (24.20 million). They mainly
come from former so-called untouchable communities such as Pariahs of Tamil
Nadu, Malas and Madigas of Andhra Pradesh, Ravidasis of Madhya Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar, Churahs of Punjab and Mahars of Maharashtra. It is sad to
note that conversion to Christianity did not fulfill their expectations of a
dignified life and identity. It is a myth that conversion changed their social
status. In the eyes of society at large and upper caste Christians, they are
still low caste people. They are often identified with their so-called caste
names in a derogatory sense and continue to bear the pain of humiliation in
silence. But their tragedy does not end there. While the church and society
define and treat them based on their caste, they experience discrimination from
their Dalit counterparts and the government because of their religious
affiliation: CSCOs are alienated from their brothers and sisters of other
faiths, and the government also excludes them. from welfare programs and
reservations because they are Christians. This makes their discrimination
multi-layered: in society, in the church, among dalits and by the
government.
This inevitably causes an acute identity crisis in them; they are
unable to decide whether their identity should be defined in terms of caste or
creed. They are thrown between the two. Caste identity does not give them room
for advancement in society and church. Faith identity limits their scope to use
government resources in the form of social programs and reservations. But still
they cling to their faith and continue as risky faiths. For them, the
discrimination of the church is more painful than the mistreatment of society
as a whole. It is appalling that in many Christian villages/majority Christian
localities, the dwellings of upper caste Christians are deliberately segregated
from the settlements of Dalit Christians to prevent so-called 'pollution'.
There are even separate church buildings and cemeteries for CSCO. These facts
point to the fact that the status of CSCO has not changed at all; to-day as
Christians they carry with them the same burden of caste as yesterday as
Hindus. With their new religious identity, they did not receive the "milk
and honey" in the form of equality, dignity and recognition, as promised
by the new faith at the time of conversion. Education as a Tool for
Empowerment: A Daydream to Come True.
Like other disadvantaged communities, CSCOs are denied equal
educational opportunities that should equip them with the right perspective in
life and develop their job skills in the changing economic scenario. This
naturally frustrates their materialistic and social empowerment. The study
shows that in the education sector, CSCOs face various discriminations such as
denial of admission (27.8%), ill-treatment (34.1%), segregated seating (1.5%),
refusal to give drinking water (31.8%) ), refusal to serve lunches/midday
meals, etc. Although the literacy rate in CSCO is high (78%), most of them
either drop out of school or drop out before reaching high school. It is
shocking to find that only 30% of them have graduated from high school.
There are very few graduates among them (4.3%) and only a few of
them have a technical education (3.2%). This miserable situation is mainly due
to limited access to higher education facilities and the unaffordable cost of
education. Who could be responsible for this state of affairs - the church or
the government? Perhaps both are responsible in their respective capacities. As
Christians, CSCOs trusted church-run schools and colleges. Instead of providing
quality education, CSCOs serve upper caste Hindus and Christians who can afford
to pay them hefty fees. There is no denying the fact that though the Church
runs the best schools in the country, Dalit Christians cannot enter the portals
of these schools. The government is equally responsible for the unequal
education of Dalit Christians. Since CSCOs are not eligible for reservation
benefits, they are excluded from various government scholarship schemes.
Education works as a tool of empowerment for other communities but remains a
dream for Dalit Christians. Therefore, the government and the church should
develop educational policies and programs that consciously involve Dalit
Christians. The Church should also take the moral stand that it will not serve
the influential minority at the cost of neglecting the powerless and infantile
majority through its educational institutions.
'Outcaste' in the Economically Liberalized Context: Yet to be
Empowered
The caste system, which determines the status of Dalit Christians
in society and the church, continues to determine their economic situation as
well. Like their predecessors, CSCO still carries the stigma of economic
deprivation. The caste people treated the ancestors of the Dalit Christians as
slaves and squeezed their labor power while depriving them of their land and
all other sources of income. Directly or indirectly, the situation remains the
same even today - which the study underlines very convincingly.
According to the study, majority of Dalit Christians are
economically poor, most of them (78.8%) are landless agricultural laborers or
casual labourers. Although very few of them are employed in the government
(22.4%) and private (9.7%) sectors, most of these employed work as sweepers or
in the last class categories in municipal companies, hospitals and banks. Those
who work as plumbers, electricians, drivers or cooks have to settle for a
meager salary. The study shows that most of the respondents are not able to
cover their daily expenses with the income they get from their regular jobs. No
doubt very few educated people are in so-called comfortable positions, but not
in key positions. They also face discrimination from their subordinates.
In terms of land ownership, the study shows that only 186 out of
1,009 families own less than one acre of land. 53% of respondents said they own
dry land. The living conditions of Dalit Christians in rural areas are the same
as the living conditions of Dalits from other religious groups. They do not
have proper housing and are deprived of civic amenities. They do not have a
regular income to cover their children's basic needs and educational expenses.
No bank is ready to give them credit for education or housing or other
work-oriented initiatives. They are trapped in debt to many creditors. In rural
areas, they are often not paid properly. They are used in mines, construction
sites, etc. The respondents of the study (about 80%) said that caste prejudice
uncontrollably discriminates employment opportunities. They are not even
allowed to do some jobs. On the one hand, the lack of education limits them
only to agricultural work; on the other hand, they are forced to do their
traditional work even if they have the proper education. It is sad to note that
neither the church nor the government is interested in the economic
emancipation of Dalit Christians. They continue their journey as an economic
"outcast" in the economically liberalized global context of the 21st century.
They cannot taste the pie of the so-called national economic growth along with
others. They are “outside the box of development due to lack of education and
negligence of government machinery.
Therefore, the economic strengthening of the ČSCO should become one
of the main priorities of the church and the government in order to end their
poverty.
Participation in the political process: Outside the camp
In a democratic country like India, participation in politics and
decision-making is essential for the progress of any community. It is a known
fact that all government decisions, policies and social programs are
"political" in nature. Those in decision-making bodies/structures are
either politicians or bureaucrats/government officials who naturally plan and
implement programs in line with the policies of the political parties/coalition
in power. The decisions they make are sometimes positive for certain
communities/groups and negative for others. Therefore, participation in the
decision-making process plays an important role in the development of any
community, especially a disadvantaged community like CSCO. The study shows that
they are politically discriminated against at all levels of the political
process in our country. They are excluded because of their caste identity and
religious affiliation. They experience political discrimination in various
forms. In many rural/urban locations, their presence in local gatherings is not
appreciated by upper caste people. They are either excluded from the list of
candidates in local/representative/parliamentary elections or forced to
withdraw from the competition. Even when elected to decision-making bodies,
they are often silenced by members of the upper caste. Their voice is less
valued.
Political discrimination against Dalit Christians does not end
with their exclusion from the decision-making process and elections. The worst
is the violation of the fundamental political right guaranteed by the
Constitution of India: THE RIGHT TO VOTE. The study shows that (16.0% of respondents)
were not allowed to vote many times! Moreover, the names of many of them are
not in the voter list. Respondents from two states, namely Odisha and Madhya
Pradesh, said that their participation in the election campaign was discouraged
by high caste. Even if they overcome these caste-based political obstacles, the
maximum political position they can attain is Panchayat membership. According
to the study, it is not only the high caste Hindus but also the caste
Christians who are hindering CSCO's political participation. Bottom line, the
political entry of Dalit Christians is mainly blocked by Caste and Faith.
Because they are not entitled to reservation; they cannot try their political
luck in reserved constituencies. His/her faith identity goes against the
benefits of reservation. While a caste Christian can be elected in either a
Christian-dominated constituency or a general constituency, a Dalit Christian
cannot even think of becoming a candidate! They are outside the "political
camp". Political parties and the Church should take bold steps to bring
CSCOs into the mainstream of the political process and empower them to raise
the political voice for participation in the decision-making process. Scheduled
Caste Christian Women: A 'Bent Life'.
CSCO women are more subjugated and discriminated against than men.
As CSCO women, they face discrimination from Hindus and Christians (both male
and female). As women, they also undergo limitations arising from
socio-religio-cultural prejudices within and outside the community. Among the
CSCOs, they are the most vulnerable. Dalit Christian women are in fact the
epitome of discrimination. Their discriminated life is due to the
interconnected activism of unjust caste hierarchy, biased gender sensitivities
and unbalanced class formation and faith identity. The most discriminated
position of Dalit women is evident from the study. Most of them are illiterate
(literacy rate 10.93%). Uneducated Dalit women are even neglected by women from
advanced Dalit families. CSCO women do not receive the benefits of government
welfare programs that other women in society enjoy. They rarely get a chance to
participate in the political process. They are exploited in the labor market
and forced to contend with a pittance of pay. In fact, their lives are
"bound by the constraints and burdens within the family, society and
church." Scheduled Caste Christians and the Church: "The Careless
Shepherd" and "The Wounded Sheep".
Numerically, the Church of India is a Dalit Church, as most of its
members are from Scheduled Caste backgrounds. While most of them embraced the
Christian faith of their own accord; others were motivated either by
missionaries or by friends or relatives. Several factors contributed to their
conversion to Christianity: the desire for a dignified life, emancipation from
caste practices, help in education, etc. The conversion did not leave the Dalit
Christians unchanged in their lives. Study respondents report that they
experienced a change in their lifestyle: improvement in dress, eating habits,
attitudes, education, social acceptance (relatively better) and spirituality.
But now they feel that the Church has abandoned their 'righteous cause in the
middle. The Church does not take bold initiatives on their behalf to promote
their welfare.
CSCO experiences discrimination at various levels within the
church. Their position is the same inside and outside the church. They are
consciously excluded from decision-making bodies and leading positions in the
church. Most of the top positions are held by high caste Christians. Dalit
Christians claim that the church only needs them for conversion, but not for
leadership. They also feel that their brothers and sisters in other religious
traditions, especially Dalit Hindus, have improved their economic and social
status due to the reservation policy and other government welfare programs.
These feelings stem from their "wounded" psyche as a result of the
Church's neglect of their progress. Who is responsible for their
discrimination? They would answer that the leadership of the Church is
responsible for their current condition - a "careless shepherd" in
whom their trust and hope have been betrayed. Despite the various forms of
discrimination that the Christian community has experienced, they cling to the
faith that has given them hope and deliverance from the chains of caste
"demons". The Church has a moral and theological responsibility to
take bold steps to right their wrongs. The Church must meet their expectations.
He must intentionally engage with their reality. Only the Church can truly wipe
away their tears. The church must be able to fight for them to get them their
deserved benefits like reservation and involvement in various development
programs of the government. Scheduled Caste and Reservation Status: Justice
will be done.
Reservation was a tool for socio-economic upliftment of the weaker
sections of the society. Scheduled caste status and reservation are
interconnected in the mechanism of preferential treatment of Dalits in
government jobs, welfare programs, higher education, etc. According to a 1950
presidential order, scheduled caste status can only be granted to Hindus who
were previously considered untouchables. It was later extended to Dalit Sikhs
and Dalit Buddhists through constitutional amendments. Although Dalit
Christians receive several benefits under the OBC category, they have been
denied their rightful Scheduled Caste status because of their religious
identity. The demand of Dalit Christians for scheduled caste status and reservation
has already been reflected in the report of various commissions appointed by
the government to study issues related to reservations. The Kaka Kalelkar
Commission (1955) and the Mandal Commission (1980) unmistakably pointed out the
fact of caste discrimination among Christians and categorically recommended
Scheduled Caste status for Dalit Christians. The Ranganathan Committee Report
suggested that socio-economic backwardness should be the criterion for
reservation. It is a welcome sign for the CSCO who are otherwise trapped in the
legality of the Presidential Order of 1950. But how far it will
materialise/implement is a big question mark for Dalit Christians who face
constant discrimination from the government. It is a pity that the so-called
democratic government deals with a message only for the community, which can
influence the corridors of power with its vote bank policy! Unfortunately,
Dalit Christians cannot become a pressure group. On the one hand, they are
ideologically and politically divided; on the other hand, it discourages them
from being united by upper caste political leadership and denominational
leadership.
The question of Scheduled Caste status and reservation is a
question of justice. CSCO were denied justice because of their religious
beliefs. This denial violated the fundamental right to practice any religion
guaranteed by the Constitution of India. In essence, this violation is also a
violation of human rights. Voluntary organizations have of course made some
attempts to address the issue politically and judicially. But this effort is
not fully supported by the entire Christian community. The Church of India is
neither united nor able to garner political support for the cause of Dalit
Christians. It is unfortunate that Dalit Christians are even opposed by their
brothers and sisters in other religious traditions. Lack of such solidarity
adversely affects their demand for reservation. If the issue of scheduled caste
status and reservation is understood with the perspective of justice in the
context of the living reality of Dalit Christians, no one can deny their real
demand for the same. Are they destined for justice or for permanent injustice?
Of course they are for justice. It is the responsibility of the Church and
Society, including the legislative, executive and judicial apparatuses of this
great nation, to address the issue of justice related to the granting of
scheduled caste and reservation status to Dalit Christians.
Final remarks
As the study made very clear, CSCOs are the most discriminated
community in India. Two factors, 'caste' and 'faith' cause their discrimination
in the society. The two main agencies, the church and the government, are
equally responsible for the current situation of Dalit Christians and must come
together to adjust the bad form done to them by denying them their rights and
benefits.
The Indian church is more aware of its minority/upper caste/class
consciousness. He fails to remember that it is the weaker sections of society,
such as the Dalit Christians, who need the service of the “Church of Servants.”
The Church often uses its minority rights and other privileges to serve the
upper caste elites (both Christians and non-Christians). ) in society. Instead
of standing on the side of the poor, the church consciously or unconsciously
sides with the rich and wealthy. She should be concerned with how she could
feed other people's children while making her own children orphans! It is not
wrong to feed other children, but the Church must remember that her own
children also expect the same attention that she gives to others.
The Church as a community of Jesus must primarily focus on the
rights of oppressed people/groups like Dalit Christians who are truly
disempowered in all spheres of life. In the context of the discriminated life
reality of Dalit Christians, should the church rethink who is its priority in
providing its services? Whether it is with people who are still under the
stigma of discrimination and marginalization, or with people who enjoy all the
rights in our democratic set-up. The Church in the present context must become
a Dalit Church rooted in devotion for the welfare of millions of people who are
striving for their basic human rights. The church's socio-economic political
witness in a pluralistic context cannot be fruitful if it does not respond to
the life of the oppressed in society. The basis of this Dalit consciousness is
Jesus, a Dalit who has the painful experience of being the least in society. It
is the responsibility of the so-called "minority" church to work for
the unorganized majority powerless people (scheduled caste Christians) who are
not in the mainstream of society. Their problems should become the concern of
the church today. The Church should take up the issue of reservation for Dalit
Christians and discuss it with the government and political parties. Moreover, it
should be led by its so-called weak sons and daughters in the future.
Successive governments after independence did nothing to improve
the conditions of Scheduled Caste Christians. The worst was the President's
Order of 1950. It became a real block in the progress of Dalit Christians for
many decades. Even though such a block has been removed from Dalit Sikhs and
Dalit Buddhists on the pretext of various reasons, Dalit Christians are still
bound by the Presidential Order of 1950. No one honestly cared to free the poor
Dalit Christians from the draconian laws that blocked them. from enjoying
scheduled caste and reservation status. Political parties in power are avoiding
the cause of Dalit Christians by pointing to one reason or the other. Now they
are asking themselves: who is their political messiah? Can anything good come
out of a democratically elected government by changing a presidential decree?
Will the Indian judiciary act as a messiah to materialize their long-standing
demand for reservation?
In short, the nature of discrimination against Scheduled Caste
Christians in society and the church, as revealed by the study, shows that they
are "victims" of caste and "wounded" sheep of the church.
Their victimization must end; and their 'wounds' must be healed.
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